Directions (1-7): In the following passage there are some words which have been highlighted, and each of them has been numbered. The word may or may not fit in the passage. These numbers are printed below the passage and against each, five options are given which suggests possible replacements of the highlighted word. Find out the appropriate word which can replace the highlighted word. If none of the given word could replace the highlighted word then choose option (e), i.e. ‘None of these’ as your answer.
Q1. Despite the Russia-India-China triangle reconciling on a shared vision and responsibility for the future of Eurasia, watchfulness notwithstanding (1) behind the curtains. As the U.S.-China trade war is tending to get out of hand and China may frontier (2) its outreach throughout the continent to toss American presence, the strategic triangle might soon face increased pressure that could challenge the existing balance of power.
Though Russia and India benefit from the current status quo in interactions, enhanced exchange, and assail (3) coordination, neither country is interested in becoming hostage to China’s galloping regional ambitions. New Delhi is specifically concerned about Moscow growing more dependent on Beijing, while the Kremlin wants to avoid possible probationary (4)in China-Indian relations.
Such beliefs act as powerful catalyzers (5) to boost more fruitful cooperation between the two nations on a number of areas. In 2017, the humiliate (6)economic turnout grew by almost 22% and by more than 17% last year; trade is projected to touch $30 billion by 2025. Despite Russia’s well-known trade model that is often marked by cower (7), exporting raw materials and importing value-added products, this does not seem to be the case with India any longer. A few years ago, Russia’s oil giant, Rosneft, invested $12.9 billion in India’s second-largest private oil refiner, Essar Oil, marking one of the biggest foreign investments in years. Russia is also studying the feasibility of the Nagpur-Secunderabad High-Speed Rail and the construction of major energy and transportation projects.
(a) Resurfaces
(b) Regards
(c) Restrictions
(d) Registrations
(e) None of these
Q2. Despite the Russia-India-China triangle reconciling on a shared vision and responsibility for the future of Eurasia, watchfulness notwithstanding (1) behind the curtains. As the U.S.-China trade war is tending to get out of hand and China may frontier (2) its outreach throughout the continent to toss American presence, the strategic triangle might soon face increased pressure that could challenge the existing balance of power.
Though Russia and India benefit from the current status quo in interactions, enhanced exchange, and assail (3) coordination, neither country is interested in becoming hostage to China’s galloping regional ambitions. New Delhi is specifically concerned about Moscow growing more dependent on Beijing, while the Kremlin wants to avoid possible probationary (4)in China-Indian relations.
Such beliefs act as powerful catalyzers (5) to boost more fruitful cooperation between the two nations on a number of areas. In 2017, the humiliate (6)economic turnout grew by almost 22% and by more than 17% last year; trade is projected to touch $30 billion by 2025. Despite Russia’s well-known trade model that is often marked by cower (7), exporting raw materials and importing value-added products, this does not seem to be the case with India any longer. A few years ago, Russia’s oil giant, Rosneft, invested $12.9 billion in India’s second-largest private oil refiner, Essar Oil, marking one of the biggest foreign investments in years. Russia is also studying the feasibility of the Nagpur-Secunderabad High-Speed Rail and the construction of major energy and transportation projects.
(a) Discourages
(b) Invigorate
(c) Dispersed
(d) Retardation
(e) None of these
Q3. Despite the Russia-India-China triangle reconciling on a shared vision and responsibility for the future of Eurasia, watchfulness notwithstanding (1) behind the curtains. As the U.S.-China trade war is tending to get out of hand and China may frontier (2) its outreach throughout the continent to toss American presence, the strategic triangle might soon face increased pressure that could challenge the existing balance of power.
Though Russia and India benefit from the current status quo in interactions, enhanced exchange, and assail (3) coordination, neither country is interested in becoming hostage to China’s galloping regional ambitions. New Delhi is specifically concerned about Moscow growing more dependent on Beijing, while the Kremlin wants to avoid possible probationary (4)in China-Indian relations.
Such beliefs act as powerful catalyzers (5) to boost more fruitful cooperation between the two nations on a number of areas. In 2017, the humiliate (6)economic turnout grew by almost 22% and by more than 17% last year; trade is projected to touch $30 billion by 2025. Despite Russia’s well-known trade model that is often marked by cower (7), exporting raw materials and importing value-added products, this does not seem to be the case with India any longer. A few years ago, Russia’s oil giant, Rosneft, invested $12.9 billion in India’s second-largest private oil refiner, Essar Oil, marking one of the biggest foreign investments in years. Russia is also studying the feasibility of the Nagpur-Secunderabad High-Speed Rail and the construction of major energy and transportation projects.
(a) Generalistic
(b) Nucleus
(c) Geopolitical
(d) Gesticulation
(e) None of these
Q4. Despite the Russia-India-China triangle reconciling on a shared vision and responsibility for the future of Eurasia, watchfulness notwithstanding (1) behind the curtains. As the U.S.-China trade war is tending to get out of hand and China may frontier (2) its outreach throughout the continent to toss American presence, the strategic triangle might soon face increased pressure that could challenge the existing balance of power.
Though Russia and India benefit from the current status quo in interactions, enhanced exchange, and assail (3) coordination, neither country is interested in becoming hostage to China’s galloping regional ambitions. New Delhi is specifically concerned about Moscow growing more dependent on Beijing, while the Kremlin wants to avoid possible probationary (4)in China-Indian relations.
Such beliefs act as powerful catalyzers (5) to boost more fruitful cooperation between the two nations on a number of areas. In 2017, the humiliate (6)economic turnout grew by almost 22% and by more than 17% last year; trade is projected to touch $30 billion by 2025. Despite Russia’s well-known trade model that is often marked by cower (7), exporting raw materials and importing value-added products, this does not seem to be the case with India any longer. A few years ago, Russia’s oil giant, Rosneft, invested $12.9 billion in India’s second-largest private oil refiner, Essar Oil, marking one of the biggest foreign investments in years. Russia is also studying the feasibility of the Nagpur-Secunderabad High-Speed Rail and the construction of major energy and transportation projects.
(a) Appearance
(b) Constitute
(c) Prevented
(d) Rifts
(e) None of these
Q5. Despite the Russia-India-China triangle reconciling on a shared vision and responsibility for the future of Eurasia, watchfulness notwithstanding (1) behind the curtains. As the U.S.-China trade war is tending to get out of hand and China may frontier (2) its outreach throughout the continent to toss American presence, the strategic triangle might soon face increased pressure that could challenge the existing balance of power.
Though Russia and India benefit from the current status quo in interactions, enhanced exchange, and assail (3) coordination, neither country is interested in becoming hostage to China’s galloping regional ambitions. New Delhi is specifically concerned about Moscow growing more dependent on Beijing, while the Kremlin wants to avoid possible probationary (4)in China-Indian relations.
Such beliefs act as powerful catalyzers (5) to boost more fruitful cooperation between the two nations on a number of areas. In 2017, the humiliate (6)economic turnout grew by almost 22% and by more than 17% last year; trade is projected to touch $30 billion by 2025. Despite Russia’s well-known trade model that is often marked by cower (7), exporting raw materials and importing value-added products, this does not seem to be the case with India any longer. A few years ago, Russia’s oil giant, Rosneft, invested $12.9 billion in India’s second-largest private oil refiner, Essar Oil, marking one of the biggest foreign investments in years. Russia is also studying the feasibility of the Nagpur-Secunderabad High-Speed Rail and the construction of major energy and transportation projects.
(a) Render
(b) Frivolous
(c) Inspire
(d) Compel
(e) None of these
Q6. Despite the Russia-India-China triangle reconciling on a shared vision and responsibility for the future of Eurasia, watchfulness notwithstanding (1) behind the curtains. As the U.S.-China trade war is tending to get out of hand and China may frontier (2) its outreach throughout the continent to toss American presence, the strategic triangle might soon face increased pressure that could challenge the existing balance of power.
Though Russia and India benefit from the current status quo in interactions, enhanced exchange, and assail (3) coordination, neither country is interested in becoming hostage to China’s galloping regional ambitions. New Delhi is specifically concerned about Moscow growing more dependent on Beijing, while the Kremlin wants to avoid possible probationary (4)in China-Indian relations.
Such beliefs act as powerful catalyzers (5) to boost more fruitful cooperation between the two nations on a number of areas. In 2017, the humiliate (6)economic turnout grew by almost 22% and by more than 17% last year; trade is projected to touch $30 billion by 2025. Despite Russia’s well-known trade model that is often marked by cower (7), exporting raw materials and importing value-added products, this does not seem to be the case with India any longer. A few years ago, Russia’s oil giant, Rosneft, invested $12.9 billion in India’s second-largest private oil refiner, Essar Oil, marking one of the biggest foreign investments in years. Russia is also studying the feasibility of the Nagpur-Secunderabad High-Speed Rail and the construction of major energy and transportation projects.
(a) Bilateral
(b) Cylindrical
(c) Disparated
(d) Optional
(e) None of these
Q7. Despite the Russia-India-China triangle reconciling on a shared vision and responsibility for the future of Eurasia, watchfulness notwithstanding (1) behind the curtains. As the U.S.-China trade war is tending to get out of hand and China may frontier (2) its outreach throughout the continent to toss American presence, the strategic triangle might soon face increased pressure that could challenge the existing balance of power.
Though Russia and India benefit from the current status quo in interactions, enhanced exchange, and assail (3) coordination, neither country is interested in becoming hostage to China’s galloping regional ambitions. New Delhi is specifically concerned about Moscow growing more dependent on Beijing, while the Kremlin wants to avoid possible probationary (4)in China-Indian relations.
Such beliefs act as powerful catalyzers (5) to boost more fruitful cooperation between the two nations on a number of areas. In 2017, the humiliate (6)economic turnout grew by almost 22% and by more than 17% last year; trade is projected to touch $30 billion by 2025. Despite Russia’s well-known trade model that is often marked by cower (7), exporting raw materials and importing value-added products, this does not seem to be the case with India any longer. A few years ago, Russia’s oil giant, Rosneft, invested $12.9 billion in India’s second-largest private oil refiner, Essar Oil, marking one of the biggest foreign investments in years. Russia is also studying the feasibility of the Nagpur-Secunderabad High-Speed Rail and the construction of major energy and transportation projects.
(a) Assert
(b) Asymmetry
(c) Despaired
(d) Manifest
(e) None of these
Directions (8-15): In the given passage several blanks are given and for each blank four alternatives are provided with two words each. Choose the option from which both words can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. If none of the given options can fit the blank then choose option (e) ‘None of these’ as your answer.
Q8. In the continuing social ___________ (8) and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month, is a _______________ (9) piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending ______________ (10) before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
The Bill has seen ______________ (11) movement, passing expert committees, central ministries and then the Lok Sabha in the winter session. Before focusing on the ____________ (12) and finer details which merit deliberation we must take a step back to look at the broader politics of personal data protection. This would help contextualise the legislative proposal and understand the degree of protection which is limited by overboard exceptions in favour of ___________ (13) and revenue interests.
The rise of the national security narrative has not been gone unnoticed by ___________ (14) political observers. What is _____________ (15) is its intersection with technology. This is central to several policy and political pronouncements by the present government.
(a) Disturbance, Chaotic
(b) Causing, Noise
(c) Churn, Unrest
(d) Turbulence, Conflicted
(e) None of these
Q9. In the continuing social ___________ (8) and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month, is a _______________ (9) piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending ______________ (10) before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
The Bill has seen ______________ (11) movement, passing expert committees, central ministries and then the Lok Sabha in the winter session. Before focusing on the ____________ (12) and finer details which merit deliberation we must take a step back to look at the broader politics of personal data protection. This would help contextualise the legislative proposal and understand the degree of protection which is limited by overboard exceptions in favour of ___________ (13) and revenue interests.
The rise of the national security narrative has not been gone unnoticed by ___________ (14) political observers. What is _____________ (15) is its intersection with technology. This is central to several policy and political pronouncements by the present government.
(a) Revolutionary, Necessary
(b) Innovation, Mandatory
(c) Essential, Efficacy
(d) Activism, Required
(e) None of these
Q10. In the continuing social ___________ (8) and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month, is a _______________ (9) piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending ______________ (10) before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
The Bill has seen ______________ (11) movement, passing expert committees, central ministries and then the Lok Sabha in the winter session. Before focusing on the ____________ (12) and finer details which merit deliberation we must take a step back to look at the broader politics of personal data protection. This would help contextualise the legislative proposal and understand the degree of protection which is limited by overboard exceptions in favour of ___________ (13) and revenue interests.
The rise of the national security narrative has not been gone unnoticed by ___________ (14) political observers. What is _____________ (15) is its intersection with technology. This is central to several policy and political pronouncements by the present government.
(a) Debate, Deterrent
(b) Argument, Augmented
(c) Deliberation, Discussion
(d) Dialogue, Conversing
(e) None of these
Q11. In the continuing social ___________ (8) and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month, is a _______________ (9) piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending ______________ (10) before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
The Bill has seen ______________ (11) movement, passing expert committees, central ministries and then the Lok Sabha in the winter session. Before focusing on the ____________ (12) and finer details which merit deliberation we must take a step back to look at the broader politics of personal data protection. This would help contextualise the legislative proposal and understand the degree of protection which is limited by overboard exceptions in favour of ___________ (13) and revenue interests.
The rise of the national security narrative has not been gone unnoticed by ___________ (14) political observers. What is _____________ (15) is its intersection with technology. This is central to several policy and political pronouncements by the present government.
(a) Bizarre, Weirdly
(b) Strange, Differential
(c) Serpentine, Flexuous
(d) Distinguishing, Diversification
(e) None of these
Q12. In the continuing social ___________ (8) and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month, is a _______________ (9) piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending ______________ (10) before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
The Bill has seen ______________ (11) movement, passing expert committees, central ministries and then the Lok Sabha in the winter session. Before focusing on the ____________ (12) and finer details which merit deliberation we must take a step back to look at the broader politics of personal data protection. This would help contextualise the legislative proposal and understand the degree of protection which is limited by overboard exceptions in favour of ___________ (13) and revenue interests.
The rise of the national security narrative has not been gone unnoticed by ___________ (14) political observers. What is _____________ (15) is its intersection with technology. This is central to several policy and political pronouncements by the present government.
(a) Nuances, Modulations
(b) Adjustments, Tune
(c) Assorted, Accent
(d) Variation, Consistency
(e) None of these
Q13. In the continuing social ___________ (8) and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month, is a _______________ (9) piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending ______________ (10) before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
The Bill has seen ______________ (11) movement, passing expert committees, central ministries and then the Lok Sabha in the winter session. Before focusing on the ____________ (12) and finer details which merit deliberation we must take a step back to look at the broader politics of personal data protection. This would help contextualise the legislative proposal and understand the degree of protection which is limited by overboard exceptions in favour of ___________ (13) and revenue interests.
The rise of the national security narrative has not been gone unnoticed by ___________ (14) political observers. What is _____________ (15) is its intersection with technology. This is central to several policy and political pronouncements by the present government.
(a) Shelter, Well-being
(b) Viable, Responsible
(c) Security, Safety
(d) Safeguarded, Protecting
(e) None of these
Q14. In the continuing social ___________ (8) and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month, is a _______________ (9) piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending ______________ (10) before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
The Bill has seen ______________ (11) movement, passing expert committees, central ministries and then the Lok Sabha in the winter session. Before focusing on the ____________ (12) and finer details which merit deliberation we must take a step back to look at the broader politics of personal data protection. This would help contextualise the legislative proposal and understand the degree of protection which is limited by overboard exceptions in favour of ___________ (13) and revenue interests.
The rise of the national security narrative has not been gone unnoticed by ___________ (14) political observers. What is _____________ (15) is its intersection with technology. This is central to several policy and political pronouncements by the present government.
(a) Weathered, Hardened
(b) Seasoned, Experienced
(c) Proficient, Testing
(d) Adapted, Dextrin
(e) None of these
Q15. In the continuing social ___________ (8) and widespread citizen protests, it would seem out of place to direct thought towards issues such as data protection. The Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019, which was introduced in the Lok Sabha this month, is a _______________ (9) piece of legislation that promises to return power and control to people in our digital society. Pending ______________ (10) before a Joint Parliamentary Committee, it is intimately connected to the very same fundamental rights and constitutional principles that are being defended today on the streets and in the fields.
The Bill has seen ______________ (11) movement, passing expert committees, central ministries and then the Lok Sabha in the winter session. Before focusing on the ____________ (12) and finer details which merit deliberation we must take a step back to look at the broader politics of personal data protection. This would help contextualise the legislative proposal and understand the degree of protection which is limited by overboard exceptions in favour of ___________ (13) and revenue interests.
The rise of the national security narrative has not been gone unnoticed by ___________ (14) political observers. What is _____________ (15) is its intersection with technology. This is central to several policy and political pronouncements by the present government.
(a) Novel, Unique
(b) Distinguish, Replaced
(c) Unusually, Original
(d) New, Modernizing
(e) None of these
Solutions
S1. Ans. (a)
Sol. The correct word to replace the highlighted word in (1) is “resurfaces”. Thus the sentence becomes grammatically and contextually correct, “Despite the Russia-India-China triangle reconciling on a shared vision and responsibility for the future of Eurasia, watchfulness resurfaces behind the curtains.”
S2. Ans. (b)
Sol. The correct word to replace the highlighted word in (2) is “invigorate”. The sentence thus formed is, “As the U.S.-China trade war is tending to get out of hand and China may invigorate its outreach throughout the continent to toss American presence, the strategic triangle might soon face increased pressure that could challenge the existing balance of power.”
S3. Ans. (c)
Sol. The correct word to replace the highlighted word in (3) is “geopolitical”. The sentence thus formed is, “Though Russia and India benefit from the current status quo in interactions, enhanced exchange, and geopolitical coordination, neither country is interested in becoming hostage to China’s endow regional ambitions.”
S4. Ans. (d)
Sol. The correct word to replace the highlighted word in (4) is “rifts”. The sentence thus formed is, “New Delhi is specifically concerned about Moscow growing more dependent on Beijing, while the Kremlin wants to avoid possible rifts in China-Indian relations.”
S5. Ans. (e)
Sol. The highlighted word in (5) is correctly placed giving the sentence contextual meaning and grammatical correctness as well. Hence, no word is needed to replace the same.
S6. Ans. (a)
Sol. The highlighted word in (6) will be replaced by “bilateral”. The sentence thus formed is, “In 2017, the bilateral economic turnout grew by almost 22% and by more than 17% last year; trade is projected to touch $30 billion by 2025.”
S7. Ans. (b)
Sol. The highlighted word in (7) will be replaced by “asymmetry”. The sentence thus formed is, “Despite Russia’s well-known trade model that is often marked by asymmetry exporting raw materials and importing value-added products, this does not seem to be the case with India any longer.”
S8. Ans. (c)
Sol. Both Churn, Unrest can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. Hence, option (c) is the right answer choice.
S9. Ans. (a)
Sol. Both ‘Revolutionary, Necessary’ can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. Hence, option (a) is the right answer choice.
S10. Ans. (c)
Sol. Both ‘Deliberation, Discussion’ can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. Hence, option (c) is the right answer choice.
S11. Ans. (c)
Sol. Both ‘Serpentine, Flexuous’ can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. Hence, option (c) is the right answer choice.
S12. Ans. (a)
Sol. Both ‘Nuances, Modulations’ can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. Hence, option (a) is the right answer choice.
S13. Ans. (c)
Sol. Both ‘Security, Safety’ can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. Hence, option (c) is the right answer choice.
S14. Ans. (b)
Sol. Both ‘Seasoned, Experienced’ can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. Hence, option (b) is the right answer choice.
S15. Ans. (a)
Sol. Both ‘Novel, Unique’ can fill in the blanks to make a grammatically correct and contextually meaningful sentence. Hence, option (a) is the right answer choice.
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